The gig economy and the gender inequality
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Independent workers or self-employed has been part of the economy since the start of agriculture and humans commencing an urban way of life, living in small towns. One generation back we could see a tinsmith calling in the street, advertising his skills and service the same was the glazier or a shoemaker that walked in the street, with their tools and raw materials in hand.
At that time, someone always was at home. Mostly the wives or mothers that stay doing the chores of the household mostly cleaning and cooking. This way, it was easy to find someone to do some necessary work. Finding a shoemaker could be done just by listening to the advertising calls from the street, mostly it was someone known already.
Modern times brought a significant change. Homes are empty during most of the day, Men and women are working out of the house; there is no one to let the glazier fix a broken window. Telphone made it easy to call for service and coordinate the time for the job to be done.
Technolgy made a revolution not only in the way we can contact and contract people to do some jobs at home. We got computers and the Internet to find a plumber. Tinsmiths are no longer needed; we have plastic utensils.
Technology made new professions, some are doing the maintenance, and others need the use of a computer and the connection to the Internet. Today we can work where we can get electricity and Internet it can be in a workplace, co-working space or at home.
The latest significant innovation in the technology was the smartphone and the applications it has. It brought the Internet to be mobile and gave birth to another kind of street job as on-demand, taxi driving, or delivery job. The taxi driver had to hunt for passengers from the front of a hotel or driving in the areas where they new that will have a high demand for taxi service. The producers made delivery of food or flowers shops. The applications the were made for smartphone created a new way of communication between offer and demand for service and work offers. The era of Online Digital Labor Platforms made of smartphone applications for those who need the service and those who give the service. The platform works on demand. If you need food you ask for the available worker, make the payment and wait for whatever you asked for, all is done by using the smartphone. Working as an independent contractor using those platforms or as it is called a gig economy worker is a new way of working with the latest technology and having the liberty from a traditional workplace with the boss micromanage you have one uncovered side yet. The benefits of a conventional workplace. Read about: How the millions of Gig workers impact the insurance industry
There is a gap between the reality of working in the new gig economy that recently drawn tremendous social, legal, and political discussion.
The changes that the gig economy work is considered enormously challenging for the future of work raising the question of the proper classification of gig economy workers, or independent contractors.
Americans are making extra money renting out a spare room, designing websites, selling products they develop themselves at home, or even driving their car. This ‘on-demand’ or so-called ‘gig economy’ is creating exciting opportunities and unleashing innovation, but it’s also raising hard questions about workplace protections and what a good job will look like in the future.
–Hillary Rodham Clinton
This growing debate still does not touch the gender aspects of such work. In this article, we will consider the gender’s promises and challenges on the application/Internet on-demand new way of working.
Studies show that women are working in the gig economy, making less money even though they work more. Women earn only 2/3 of men rate. The difference persists even when the skills and training are the same, and the results of the women work are the same in quality and quantity.
The studies suggest that women are left as devalued workers. It is showed that the new way of working has a new direction in which gender inequality is occurring in the gig economy. Women still can not get the same pay for the same work in the most modern way of work.
Sex inequality called “Discrimination 3.0,” expecting discrimination will no
longer be merely formal barriers or even implicit biases.
The article draws Equality-by-Design (EbD) Iris Bohnet | What Works: Gender Equality by Design as a possible tool for future improvement, Enlisting of application platforms should improve gender parity. This article is about the empirical base and analysis of understanding how sex inequality is taking hold in the application on-demand platforms.
The Internet and globalization did work to be different, presenting new challenges for the employment laws on the employer-employee level and the government responsibility of those relations and the welfare of its citizens. Legals and sociologists scholar has published on this new social and legal reality.
Three dynamics are coalescing to reshape labor relations in the 21st century in the United States: They are flexibilization, globalization, and privatization. “Flexibilization” refers to the changing work practices by which firms no longer use internal labor markets or implicitly promise employees lifetime job security, but rather seek flexible employment relations that permit them to increase or diminish their workforce, and reassign and redeploy employees with ease. “Globalization” refers to the increase in cross-border transactions in the production and marketing of goods and services that facilitates secure relocation to low labor cost countries. Also, “privatization” refers to the rise of neoliberal ideology, the attack on big government and the dismantling of the social safety net that has dominated public policy in the U.S. in recent years. All three of these dynamics have been detrimental to U.S. employment standards and union strength.
There are gender implications made by the new way of work and a new type of relationships between the employer and employee.
The term employee comes from the old way of working where a fulltime, all year round work relations are the basis of the working contract. The gig economy is based on an agreement to do some job and no more, it has no one only employer but many clients. One gig economy worker will be more like a micro-business though it is a one-person operation.
Historically it was women dominated way of work. It was attractive for the Moms or women that needed to take care of their household; In the last few years, it was strongly expended into both genders workers. Sharing or gig economy becomes an essential part of the whole economy. More and more companies get and application for online connection between the gig workers and their clients.
The Comparative Labor Law & Policy Journal is publishing a collection of papers on the “gig” economy and labor law, edited by Valerio De Stefano of the International Labor Organization. This paper places what is seen as an innovation in a broader historical context. It compares “gig” work to the putting-out system that was a feature of manufacture from early modern Europe forward to recent times. It explores the economic, social, and technological basis of both and teases out the more significant implications of what seems to be genuinely new under the global reach of information technology.
The “sharing” or “gig” economy is creating widespread debates among academics, lawyers, and policymakers.
The politicians start to think about the future way of work and how it will affect the government responsibility towards the people’s welfare or what benefits of a regular employee have as social protection. There is no explicit law coverage to this online gig economy micro businesses. No minimum wage protection or illness days pay. Gig workers impact the insurance industry
The gig economy, and “Sharing” economy companies. Were marketed as fresh, innovative, and “collaborative,” are experiencing a boom in popularity and scale. The gig economy is every were now provides a wide range of services, from taxi driving to running errands, to professional tasks.
While gig economy firms have some differences in the control of their “working people” Some can work at home with a computer and have only a platform to introduce their skills and offer their service. The platform will take care of payments and earn its commission, other in the street using car or bicycles and the application that connects them with the passengers or the people that need any delivery. Those take gig bicycles will be paid by the platform from the money they collect for each job.
All the platforms use the Internet to contact the “worker” and the user that pay for the service. The worker can work in a schedule he or she wants.
These platforms are being criticized for pushing hard with full force an “on-demand,” “on-call,” “gig”–based economy, selling us a wolfy uber-
Capitalism under the guise sheepy sharing rhetoric.
The technological advances and changes in the social and economic organization are presenting moments of opportunity and challenge.
Today’ technologized contingent work used are creating significant social changes — the frontiers between home and work, and public and private, employment and contracting.
In April 2016, Professor Orly Lobel delivered the 12th Annual Pemberton Lecture at the 9th Circuit Court of Appeals. Lobel asks, what is the future of employment and labor law protections when the reality is rapidly transforming the ways we work? What is the status of gig work and what are the rights as well as duties of gig workers? She proposes four paths for systematic reform, where each way is complementary rather than mutually exclusive to the others. The first path is to clarify and simplify the notoriously malleable classification doctrine; the second is to expand certain employment protections to all workers, regardless of classification, or in other words to altogether reject classification; the third is to create special rules for intermediate categories; and the fourth is to disassociate certain social protections from the work.
Businesses, labor organization, and labor law specialists are studying the boundaries of legal responsibility. Employment law scholarship has started to pay attention to this new phenomenon, focusing primarily on the big question, whether gig workers should be classified as employees or independent contractors.
American companies increasingly hire workers without offering them formal employment. Because nearly all workplace protections apply only to “employers” and “employees,” businesses avoid these labels by delegating their employment responsibilities to workers and intermediaries. For example, Amazon hires third-party contractors to staff its distribution centers, FedEx Ground denies the employment status of its drivers, and Uber invites only independent contractors to join its platform. These nonemployee designations make it difficult, if not impossible, for workers to enforce such fundamental rights as overtime and anti-discrimination protections.
We know very little about the genders proportions in the planform-facilitated businesses or gig economy members.
All the organizations that care about gender equality and the general working conditions of gig worker should start to fill this gap in information. First is learning the gender promises and challenges related to gig economy workers. It may look that there is a potential of keeping gender equality because the workers who offer their skills can enjoy a certain degree of anonymity.
Working with taxi or delivery depends on hiring by the platform, and that may be subject to the local laws against gender discrimination. Offering the skills by a webpage platform has no participation by the organization that owns the platform and may have a multinational workforce that is located in many countries witch are not the same as the country where the platform is registered as a company.
This situation leaves us with no legal ground for the workers, and the platform is the place for contracting, disputes, and rating of the members. Those gig workers are not showing their face more than a profile picture. Gender can be seen on the profiles, and the election of the client may be influenced by unconscious bias or cultural gender discrimination.
The gig workers are offered a lack of benefits a lake of protection against discrimination.
A case study was done to empirically examine the reality of how women are doing in the gig economy platform. It was done by examining the gender discrepancies. The study employs a computational way that automatically extracts profile data from a Platform using Application Programming Interface (API). The dy preferred the automatic concept rather than asking the platform to answer questions.
The API captures a snapshot of what the platform has in its system without human interpretation. The API was programmed to capture the unique digital aspects of a gig economy worker by looking at its technological affordances.
The study analyzes over 4,600 online gig workers requested rates, occupations, and work-hours. The statistical analysis of the data collected by the API found a dramatic gender gap, Men Srequested 37% higher hourly rates than women both seeking the same work. This gap was the same when they had the same experience, occupational category, hours of work, and educational attainment — women and men who offered legal services found to have the most pervasive gender gap.
Laboring in the new economy has recently drawn tremendous social, legal, and political debate. The changes created by platform-facilitated labor are considered fundamental challenges to the future of work and are generating contestation regarding the proper classification of laborers as employees or independent contractors. Despite this growing debate, attention to gender dimensions of such laboring is currently lacking. This article considers the gendered promises and challenges that are associated with platform-facilitated labor, and provides an innovative empirical analysis of gender discrepancies in such work; it conducts a case study of the platform-facilitated job using.
Given the empirical findings, We should begin to consider the legal aspects and the implications for working in gig economy platform-facilitated online work. If we want to do something about gender equality in the gig economy online platforms, we should make this work a sustainable option for those involñved in it. We should reduce the dangers faced disproportionately by women and the lake of current legal mechanisms of protection.
We are witnessing third-generation sex-inequality called too “Discrimination 3.0” that is a gig economy online working “unconscious bias.” There is a need to contemplate a new way of promoting workplace equality on the gig economy platforms and using the technology itself to apply the Equality-By-Design (EbD) to enhance gender parity in the online gig economy platforms.
OPPORTUNITIES AND CHALLENGES OF GIG ECONOMY WORK
When “sharing” later named “gig economy work” emerged, it was considered as a job creator for those who could not or did not want to work as a regular employee, and a provider of freedom and flexibility workplaces.
Ms. Guidry, , earns money by using her car to ferry around strangers for Uber, Lyft and Sidecar, ride services that let people summon drivers on-demand via apps. She also assembles furniture and tends gardens for clients who find her on TaskRabbit, an online marketplace for chores.
In the promising parlance of the sharing economy, whose sites and apps connect people seeking services with sellers of those services, Ms. Guidry is a microentrepreneur. That is an independent contractor who earns money by providing her skills, time or property to consumers in search of a lift, a room to sleep in, a dry-cleaning pickup, a chef, an organizer of closets.
There stats and estimations that approximately 45 million people are involved in the gig economy working platforms, and it grows. Is The Gig Economy Really Coming To Steal Our Lunch?
We will review the promises and pitfalls related to this new form of work relationships for women’s economic equality and security. Ther new online free to access by any gender with absolute anonymity and inclusivity can be a great promise to women that offers online services. Being online instead of in the real world. At the end of the process, the people will need to know who is who so the anonymity and inclusiveness will end the influence they might have. Though anonymity will not be preserved, we could expect equal pay on the same platform for the same job no matter what gender is offering the service. THE WAGE GAP IS STAGNANT FOR A DECADE the wage gap should not influence the online gig economy. Women on the gig economy can find it easier to keep the pay equal as other men in the same marketplace that the gig economy workplace his. The flexibility of the working hour is a great advantage to the women that have children and household to care about or a caregiver job.
Gig economy platform companies like Uber will use the argument of flexibility as an advantage for the women who have kids and household obligation to take care off, for attracting women to join their platform. These companies present themselves as they are empowering women by providing them the flexibility that is so needed and appreciated by women for their work and home life balance.
For example, Uber has stated:
[F]reedom is helping (literally) drive another wave of women’s empowerment: the opportunity to fit work around life, rather than the other way around. Around 20 million Americans work fewer hours than
they would like for “non-economic reasons,” according to the Bureau of
Labor Statistics. These include personal commitments, in particular,
childcare, that can make full-time jobs so difficult. It’s one of the reasons Uber last year announced a commitment to get one million women, drivers, using our app by 2020. Because driving a car isn’t just a
way to get to work—it can be the work. For women around the world,
Uber offers something unique: work on demand, whenever you want it.
Drivers can make money on their terms and set their schedules.
Work and family are the two essential things in life. Women yet take the more significant part in attending the family so the gig work can let women have their family and their career grow at the same time. That is the reason for the mushrooming of the gig economy platforms.
At least ninety percent (90%) of American parents, mothers, and fathers, say they are experiencing an acute shortage of time spent with family and intense work-family conflict. This article provides a history and a theory that should inform our conceptualization of work-family regulation. It points to the neglected history of working-class social feminism. It shows how working-class social feminists at the beginning of the twentieth century advocated for “constructive feminism” — government support, by way of labor regulation, of what this Article terms “multidimensionalism” — a life enriched by meaningful dimensions of work, family, civic participation, and culture.
The idea behind the gig economy was that people would be able to plan their time and work as much as they want and at the time of the day that they like. No boss micromanage them. Women could be their boss and plan their day as they can or want. Men and women could take a share in the caretaking of home and kids. They can plan flexible timing for their work and not working activities.
The gig economy or cyberspace as a whole ideal realm of equality, free from stereotypes of women in the kitchen and men at work, is criticized as a utopia.
Cyberspace allows individuals to create representations of themselves that bear little or no similarity to their offline identities. Internet users can create a multitude of “avatars” for themselves, from video game identities to message board monikers. This creative capacity can be personally liberating in many ways, providing legitimate grounds for what could be termed “cyberspace idealism.” However, cyberspace also allows users to create online representations of others without their consent, and this practice has powerful discriminatory effects. Users who create false profiles on social networking sites, upload sexual images on “revenge porn” sites without consent, or launch personalized graphic attacks on message boards make their targets into unwilling avatars. This kind of online abuse has discriminatory consequences when, as is frequently the case, it is directed at groups already marginalized in offline society. This article addresses the impact that this phenomenon has on women in particular. Online harassment and abuse directed at women undermines the creative and liberating possibilities of cyberspace for women, amplifies the sexual stereotyping and gender inequality of the offline world, and generally compromises women’s ability to share cyberspace on equal terms with men. Cyberspace idealism has served to obscure the realities of online discrimination and must be called to account for its shortcomings.
The picture does indeed look far more complicated, in the context of platform-facilitated, on-demand labor. Companies like Uber treat drivers as contractors rather than employers, thereby avoiding worker protections such as overtime, minimum wage, family leave, and unemployment insurance.
Sharing economy companies like Uber and Airbnb have come under fire for evading regulatory schemes and inadequately safeguarding consumer welfare — but consumers aren’t the only ones affected by the companies’ innovative business models. This article focuses on “suppliers”: the drivers, homeowners, cooks, and other individuals who provide the services offered by sharing economy companies. The relationship between suppliers and their companies is an entirely new kind of employment that both displays unprecedented potential and creates unique problems. Existing employment law categories don’t capture supplier concerns or respect the singularity of the sharing economy. This article argues that employment relationships in the sharing economy demand targeted regulatory response and identifies the concerns that such a response must address. 00
Freelancing was around a long time ago; it was done by handwriting or typewriting for newspapers (made of real paper). Temporary jobs were always with us since the agriculture needed season help to harvest or pick the grown products. Telecommuting started with the telephone landline network required to have someone to connect the users manual.
It was once we start to have computers connected to the Internet that sharing or gig economy started to take place in the working markets. The outdoor gig work got its big bloom after that the smartphones came to be everyone’s must-have device. The boom of the gig economy created a new model of a contract between the service giver and the service receiver.
The trend of gig economy work has a growing significant influence on the relations between the workforce, the employing organization, and the governments. The growth of this new working system makes more and more important to establish those relations. The Online Platform Economy: What is the growth trajectory? Some sources indicate that by 2020, 40% of American workers will be working under the title of independent contractors. Uber, Airbnb, and consequences of the sharing economy: Research roundup. This situation makes the gig economy online platform more accessible for employers or contracting persons.
The freelancing or sharing work model requires less investment in regular workers, less obligation for a long term of employment, and no obligation on the benefits and future employment. Additionally, there are no minimum wages as the participants are the citizens of the cyberspace being from many nationalities, the market price will be influenced by the lower bid that can be very good for someone from an emerging country. The pressure of inequal cost of living can lower one’s price, generating exploitative work practices.
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